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Obama WINS 44th Presidency of the USA |
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Topic: Obama WINS 44th Presidency of the USAPosted: 04 Nov 2008 at 11:26pm |
NBC: Obama elected 44th presidentIllinois senator to become first African-American executive in U.S. history
Supporters of Barack Obama celebrate as they await his victory address at Grant Park in Chicago.
BREAKING NEWS
By Alex Johnson
Reporter
msnbc.com
updated 5 minutes ago
Barack Obama, a 47-year-old first-term senator from Illinois, shattered more than 200 years of history Tuesday night by winning election as the first African-American president in the history of the United States, according to projections by NBC News. Obama reached the 270 electoral votes he needed for election at 11 p.m. ET, when NBC News projected that he would win California, Washington and Oregon. The Associated Press reported shortly after 11 p.m. that Obama’s opponent, Republican Sen. John McCain of Arizona, had called Obama to offer his congratulations. Campaigning as a technocratic agent of change in Washington pathbreaking civil rights figure, Obama swept to victory over McCain , whose running mate, Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin, was seeking to become the nation’s first female vice president. A crowd nearing 100,000 people gathered in Grant Park in Chicago, awaiting an address by Obama. Hundreds of thousands more — Mayor Richard Daley said he would not be surprised if a million Chicagoans jammed the streets — were watching on a large television screen outside the park. Surveys of voters as they left polling places nationwide indicated the breadth of the victory by Obama, the son of a Kenyan father and a white American mother. As expected, he won overwhelmingly among African-American voters, but he also won a slim majority of white voters. He won among women and Latino voters, reversing a longstanding Republican trend. And he won by more than 2-to-1 among voters of all races 30 years old and younger. That dynamic was telling in Ohio, which President Bush won in 2004, and in Pennsylvania, where McCain poured in millions of dollars of scarce resources. Obama won both. Obama also took Massachusetts, Michigan, New Jersey and New York, all states with hefty electoral vote hauls, NBC News projected. He also won Virginia, reversing 40 years of Republican victories there. McCain countered with Texas and numerous smaller states, primarily in the South and the Great Plains. In interviews with NBC News, aides to McCain said they were proud that they had put up a good fight in “historically difficult times.” A senior adviser said McCain himself was “fine” but that he felt “he let his staff and supporters down.” Obama will have a strongly Democratic Congress on the other end of Capitol Hill. The Democrats won strong majorities in both the House and the Senate. NBC News projected that the party would fall just short of a procedurally important 60 percent “supermajority” in the Senate, however. Record turnout delays key results Obama, who led in nearly all public opinion polls, and McCain both launched get-out-the-vote efforts that led to long lines at polling stations in a contest that Democrats were also hoping would help them expand their majorities in both houses of Congress. Americans voted in numbers unprecedented since women were given the franchise in 1920. Secretaries of state predicted turnouts approaching 90 percent in Virginia and Colorado and 80 percent or more in big states like Ohio, California, Texas, Virginia, Missouri and Maryland. At New Shiloh Church Ministries on Mastin Lake in Huntsville, Ala., Stephanie Lacy-Conerly brought along a chair, expecting to stay for hours. “It’s exciting,” she said. “It’s an historical moment.” Election officials around the country braced for problems, but only minor issues were reported. However, the McCain campaign filed suit in Virginia, home to several major military bases, complaining that absentee ballots were not mailed on time to many members of the military serving overseas. History played down in favor of issues Election experts predicted that as many as 140 million Americans would vote, many of them minority, immigrant and young Americans who were casting ballots for the first time. Maria Reyes, who immigrated from El Salvador and was sworn in as a citizen in August, was one of them. She cast her ballot with help from her daughter, Elvia. “It’s wonderful time for our country right now — Obama!” Reyes said as she waved a small American flag. In the Little Saigon section of Los Angeles, Timothy Ngo, a Vietnamese immigrant, turned out to support McCain. “I came here as a refugee, so Mr. McCain and I grew up and fought in the same war in Vietnam,” Ngo said. Six in 10 voters picked the economy as the most important issue facing the nation, according to data from national exit polls examined by msnbc.com. Only 9 percent said terrorism was the most important issue. Pessimism over the economy is usually a grim omen for the party in control of the White House. In the elections of 1992, 1980, 1960 and 1932, economic distress, to some degree, resulted in the party in control losing the White House. Obama, McCain cast their ballots Fellow voters watched in silence and snapped cell-phone pictures. They cheered when Obama held up his validation slip with a smile and said, “I voted.” “The journey ends, but voting with my daughters, that was a big deal,” he told reporters later. Obama’s final days of campaigning were bittersweet: He was mourning the loss of his grandmother, Madelyn Dunham, who helped raise him but died of cancer Sunday night and never got to see the results of the historic election. In Delaware, Obama’s running mate, Sen. Joe Biden, went to the polls with his elderly mother. Speaking to reporters on his plane, Biden said he had made a deal with his wife, Jill. “If you get the vice presidency and get elected, you can get a dog,” Biden said his wife told him. “I know what kind I want, [but] I don’t know what kind I’m going to get yet. We’re not there yet. The deal’s not closed yet.” McCain, meanwhile, cast his ballot early Tuesday at a church near his home in central Phoenix. A small crowd cheered “Go, John, go!” and “We love you!” as he stepped out of a sport utility vehicle with his wife, Cindy. One person carried a sign that read, “Use your brain, vote McCain!” Palin returned to where her political career began to cast her vote in the snow-dusted, two-story Wasilla City Hall where she once presided as a small-town mayor. Palin, accompanied by her husband, Todd, voted just after 7 a.m. Tuesday, pushing aside a red, white and blue curtain on a voting booth and handing her white paper ballot to a clerk. |
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Posted: 04 Nov 2008 at 11:36pm |
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Obama captures historic White House WIN!!!
![]() Wednesday | November 5, 2008 | 4:15am GMT
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Democrat Barack Obama captured the White House on Tuesday after an extraordinary two-year campaign, defeating Republican John McCain to make history as the first black to be elected U.S. president.
Obama will be sworn in as the 44th U.S. president on January 20, 2009, television networks said. He will face a crush of immediate challenges, from tackling an economic crisis to ending the war in Iraq and striking a compromise on overhauling the health care system. McCain saw his hopes for victory evaporate with losses in a string of key battleground states led by Ohio, the state that narrowly clinched President George W. Bush's re-election in 2004, and Virginia, a state that had not backed a Democrat since 1964. Obama led a Democratic electoral landslide that also expanded the party's majorities in both chambers of Congress and firmly repudiated eight years of Republican President George W. Bush's leadership. The win by Obama, son of a black father from Kenya and white mother from Kansas, marked a milestone in U.S. history. It came 45 years after the height of the civil rights movement led by Martin Luther King. In a campaign dominated at the end by a flood of bad news on the economy, Obama's leadership and proposals on how to handle the crisis tipped the race in his favour. Exit polls showed six of every 10 voters listed the economy as the top issue. Tens of thousands of Obama supporters gathered in Chicago's Grant Park for an election night rally that had the air of a celebratory concert, cheering results that showed his victories in key states. McCain, a 72-year-old Arizona senator and former Vietnam War prisoner, had hoped to become the oldest president to begin a first term in the White House and see his running mate Sarah Palin become the first female U.S. vice president. |
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A woman is like a tea bag. You never know how strong she is until she's in hot water.
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Moh
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Posted: 05 Nov 2008 at 1:07am |
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President Obama
A new day has come... I'm very happy and so thankful.
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"When it gets dark enough, you can see the stars" -Charles A Beard |
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Nada
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Posted: 05 Nov 2008 at 11:29am |
Obama's near-flawless run from start to finishDem's journey to the presidency was marked by organization, discipline
![]() By Adam Nagourney, Jim Rutenberg and Jeff Zeleny
updated 11 minutes ago
It was the third week of September, and Senator John McCain was speaking to a nearly empty convention center in Jacksonville, Fla. Lehman Brothers had collapsed that day, a harrowing indicator of the coming financial crisis and a reminder that the presidential campaign was turning into a referendum on which candidate could best address the nation’s economic challenges. On stage, Mr. McCain, of Arizona, was trying to show concern for the prospect of hardship but also optimism about the country’s resilience. “The fundamentals of the economy are strong,” he said. A thousand miles away, at Senator Barack Obama’s campaign headquarters in Chicago, the aides who monitored Mr. McCain’s every utterance knew immediately that they had just heard a potential turning point in a race that seemed to be tightening. They rushed out to tell Dan Pfeiffer, Mr. Obama’s communications director, what Mr. McCain, the Republican candidate, had just said, knowing that his words could be used to portray him as out of touch. “Shut up!” Mr. Pfeiffer said incredulously. “He said what?” Mr. Obama, who had just arrived at a rally in Colorado, hastily inserted the comments into his speech. And by nightfall, the Obama campaign had produced an advertisement that included video of Mr. McCain making the statement that would shadow him for the rest of the campaign. Comment marked turning point Mr. McCain’s inartful phrase about the economy that day, and the responses of the two campaigns, fundamentally altered the dynamic of the race. But the episode also highlighted a deeper difference: the McCain campaign team often seemed to make missteps and lurch from moment to moment in search of a consistent strategy and message, while the disciplined and nimble Obama team marched through a presidential contest of historic intensity learning to exploit opponents’ weaknesses and making remarkably few stumbles. The story of Mr. Obama’s journey to the pinnacle of American politics is the story of a campaign that was, even in the view of many rivals, almost flawless. But Mr. Obama and his aides believed from the outset that it would have to be nothing less than that if he was to overcome obstacles that sometimes in the drama of the year became easy to forget: that this was a black man with an unusual name and exotic past, someone dogged by a stubborn (and inaccurate) belief among some voters that he is a Muslim, who began plotting his presidential run less than two years after moving from the Illinois Legislature to the United States Senate. As Mr.Obama reminded Americans on Tuesday night in his victory speech, “I was never the likeliest candidate for the office.” Assembling a team, creating organization While two of the Democratic primary rivals — Senator Hillary Rodham Clinton of New York and John Edwards of North Carolina — as well as his eventual Republican opponent, Mr. McCain, had spent years planning for this race, Mr. Obama had no organization and no clear idea of what he was getting into. He was so unfamiliar with the requirements of a national campaign that his aides drafted a set of mock schedules to show him the states where he would have to invest a lot of time. When Mr. Obama, the father of two young girls, asked if he could go home on weekends, his aides replied: Not if you want to win.
Yet after a somewhat lackluster start — it is hard now to appreciate how formidable a front-runner Mrs. Clinton appeared to be just a year ago — Mr. Obama and his team delivered. They developed a strategy to secure the nomination, and stuck with it even after setbacks.
They used the newest technology and old-fashioned organizing skills to harness the grass-roots enthusiasm his candidacy generated to help raise record sums of money and build a volunteer army to turn out the vote. They carefully researched how to handle the issue of race, and worked at making voters comfortable with the idea of putting a black family in the White House. They rolled the dice at times, like when Mr. Obama confronted his association with his fiery former pastor by delivering a major speech on race. And they played it safe when they could, as in the selection of Senator Joseph R. Biden Jr. of Delaware as his running mate. Core theme of change “It was perfectly run; it made few mistakes,” Mr. Schmidt, Mr. McCain’s strategist, said of the Obama campaign. “And it took full advantage of an environment where the American people had turned on the incumbent president of the Republican Party and badly wanted change.” Mr. Obama, Mr. Schmidt continued, “was a once-in-a-generation orator. A good debater. And an eloquent message. He was the beneficiary of favorable media coverage. Ice-cold disciplined about the execution of his campaign message. He was an extremely formidable candidate.” But the Obama campaign did have its troubles. The original plan sketched out by Mr. Plouffe and Mr. Axelrod assumed winning Iowa would be a devastating blow to Mrs. Clinton that would lead to victory in New Hampshire. Instead, she won in that state, and the race dragged on for months. What proved critical to Mr. Obama’s campaign was the “Feb. 5 and Beyond Room” that Mr. Plouffe set up, an operation staffed by aides who focused only on the later primaries and caucuses. Mr. Obama built a small but insurmountable delegates lead over Mrs. Clinton, whose campaign was exhausted and flat-footed after failing to wrap up the nomination as she had expected on Super Tuesday. Recalibrating the campaign And the issue of race proved vexing. The campaign was blindsided when DVDs of the incendiary sermons of the Rev. Jeremiah A. Wright Jr., Mr. Obama’s former pastor, emerged and threatened Mr. Obama’s candidacy. “That was one place where we dropped the ball,” said Mr. Axelrod, his voice growing angry. The campaign’s research operation had not known of the DVDs and was sent scrambling after they were broadcast. “The work just wasn’t done.” “It would be difficult for an African-American to be elected president in this country,” said Cornell Belcher, a pollster who worked for Mr. Obama’s campaign and studies racial voting patterns. “However, it is not difficult for an extraordinary individual who happens to be African-American to be elected president.” Dispatching Clinton “Right now we are losing,” he said. “And we have 90 days to turn it around.” Those next 90 days and beyond would play a vital part in the education of the man who would be president. At that meeting, Mr. Obama and his aides mapped out a day-by-day plan to reframe the race, to attack Mrs. Clinton as a politically disingenuous and divisive product of Washington, and himself as the “agent of change.” “If the election was about change, we needed to say why we more readily represented that than she did,” Mr. Axelrod said. “They made our job easier by improbably positioning her as the consummate Washington insider.” Over the next month, Mr. Obama would appear on “Saturday Night Live” to address voter concerns that he was aloof and elite. He rolled out a middle-class tax cut to appeal to the voters Mrs. Clinton was courting. And he spoke at a Jefferson-Jackson dinner, which drew every prominent Democrat in Iowa. His address brought Iowa activists to their feet and would fill his field offices with volunteers. Behind the intense focus on Iowa was Mr. Plouffe, known for his mathematic invocation of data in making decisions. When Mr. Obama decided to run for the presidency in November 2006, Mr. Plouffe and a half-dozen staff members began plotting out a strategy that centered on Iowa as crucial to defeating Mrs. Clinton in New Hampshire. “We had to disrupt her early,” Mr. Plouffe said. “If she had been able to prevent us from winning Iowa, she would have been the nominee.” Race was part of calculation “The biggest race problem we had to start was not with the white voters,” Mr. Axelrod said, “but with African-American voters, a deep sense of skepticism that this might happen.” Mr. Obama got his victory in Iowa, but things did not go as planned in New Hampshire. Mr. Axelrod remembered the moment he realized Mrs. Clinton was back on the march: when she teared up in response to a supporter’s warm words at a coffee shop. As Mr. Axelrod and Mr. Obama viewed the video of the episode as their campaign bus rumbled through New Hampshire, Mr. Axelrod realized that she had accomplished something Mr. Obama had not: presenting herself as a real person with real concerns to voters in a state that even then was anxious about the economy. When aides delivered the disappointing New Hampshire results to Mr. Obama, he smiled. “Well,” he said, “I guess this is going to go on for a while.” Later, he conceded that he had been too confident after Iowa but said that the defeat would allow him to remake himself. Unlike the Clinton campaign, the Obama team at least had a well-thought-out plan for how to proceed deeper into the primary season, mostly by concentrating on picking up delegates in red states and in states with caucuses where the Obama campaign’s organizational strengths and financial advantage could be put to use. Clinton prepared him for fight And as Mrs. Clinton found her voice as a heroine of the struggling working class, she tried to cast Mr. Obama as elite. At a fund-raiser in San Francisco, Mr. Obama had described some white working-class voters as “bitter,” a characterization she used to suggest that her rival was out of touch with the values of ordinary Americans.
As a controversy grew about the incendiary remarks from Mr. Wright, Mr. Obama told his advisers that he wanted to deliver a major speech on race, something that they had talked him out of in the fall of 2007 for fear it would take away from his efforts to win over Iowa voters. His race speech in Philadelphia was viewed as a success, but weeks later the episode was revisited when the pastor spoke out again, forcing Mr. Obama to disavow him. Little doubt about nomination And seven weeks later, Mr. Obama lost again, in Pennsylvania, feeding low-level anxiety among some of his advisers that Mrs. Clinton could snatch the nomination away from him. Mr. Obama regretted allowing himself to get drawn into sharp combat with her, which polls showed was hurting his image. Mr. Obama did not think he was going to lose. But he assembled a meeting with aides to say he was afraid he was heading to a messy victory that would not help him going into a general election. “I’ll be the first to admit that I made my own mistakes in Pennsylvania,” Mr. Obama said, according to a participant at the meeting at his Hyde Park house. “But I don’t feel like we’re finishing this thing out the way I want to finish it out.” He began taking a firmer hand in the running of the campaign, holding nightly calls with his staff. He resisted attacks on Mrs. Clinton when possible. His campaign instituted the 6 p.m. rule: no big rallies, which aides worried contributed to the criticism that he was distant, until after the early evening news. Finally, days after the last states voted on June 3, Mrs. Clinton withdrew. Enthusiasm among black voters was so high, aides knew, there was a chance that the campaign could help put into play states that no Democrat had won in decades: Indiana, North Carolina and Virginia. But the advisers also saw some alarming findings. Doubts persisted among the unionized white workers in states like Pennsylvania and Ohio, which Mr. Obama had lost during the primaries. He was underperforming among “up for grabs” working class voters. The association with Mr. Wright, and a consistent stream of anonymous e-mail messages questioning his patriotism and background, had taken their toll. So had his comments in San Francisco. “There were a lot of question marks about whether he had a genuine American outlook,” said Steve Murphy, a late-joining member of the advertising unit who attended the meeting. “They just didn’t know him: He came out of nowhere, his name is Barack Hussein Obama, his mom was an anthropologist, his father’s a Kenyan; he spent time growing up in Indonesia. And remember, he was coming off of a couple of serious controversies from the primaries — Rev. Wright, guns and religion, ‘bitter.’ ” Perceptions that Mr. Obama was Muslim were persistent. Internal polling found that 12 percent to 15 percent of voters believed it, a finding reinforced by public surveys. “I spoke up and joked, ‘Well, yeah, he’s a Sunni,’ ” Mr. Murphy said. “Nobody laughed; I mean, nobody. It was incredibly instructive to me, ‘Hey, they’re really worried.’ ” Misconceptions about background No matter the cause, Mr. Obama and his aides believed, they would need to toughen up their defenses and address the misconceptions about his background. “On some level, we were like a balloon with a big idea and it was like a lot of pinpricks, and we were starting to sag,” said Daniel Carol, who was brought in around that time who had worked in the famous 1992 Democratic war room. “We had lost ground for where a Democrat needed to be with working-class people, thanks to Hillary’s effectiveness and the bitter thing.” And they knew the Republicans were going to play that much harder. Mr. Obama dispatched a team of aides to Illinois to review his votes in the state Legislature, this time looking for cases where he had cast a vote that Mr. McCain could use to attack him. Mr. Obama’s aides described several categories of potential attack: Obama as “dashiki-wearing black nationalist”; “secret Muslim”; “anti-Israel”; and “a black man from crime-ridden Chicago who was too lenient on crime with dark associations.” “The theory was that they were going to try to make Barack Obama the other, and they had a bunch of different ways to do it,” Mr. Carol said. The Obama research team began digging into his Hyde Park associations, including William Ayers, the founder of the Weather Underground who had become a preoccupation on conservative blogs, and Mr. Wright. They also worked up potential advertisements against Mr. Obama that in some cases were tougher than anything Mr. McCain came up with. Hungry for something new One advertisement began with a shot of Mr. McCain saying Mr. Obama should not be held responsible for his longtime pastor’s remarks, Mr. Axelrod said. And his advertising team produced spots that directly addressed doubts about Mr. Obama’s background and experience. Through weeks of focus group testing and polling, Mr. Obama’s advisers came to believe that the single best way to allay those concerns was to produce commercials in which he spoke directly into the camera. “We found those concerns were less and less as he told his story and talked about what he wanted to do for the nation,” said Jim Margolis, Mr. Obama’s senior advertising strategist. “We saw that repeatedly.” As a black candidate with a background that voters would have found unusual no matter his race, Mr. Obama’s aides wanted to keep those advertisements running almost constantly. “He had to be an incredibly individuated figure,” said Mr. Belcher, meaning, he said, that Mr. Obama — whose white grandparents appeared in many of his advertisements — should be seen as someone gifted enough to be president and who happened to be black. But, to avoid making the election a referendum on him, rather than a choice between him and a challenger who is tied to the unpopular incumbent party, the campaign had to also run a constant stream of advertisements attacking Mr. McCain. To do it all, and reach new supporters in traditionally Republican states, was going to take money, far more than the $84 million provided by the publicly supported campaign finance system. A difficult call Aides had been considering the move for about a year, even after Mr. Obama wrote “yes” on a questionnaire asking whether he would pledge to accept public financing if his opponent did, a commitment intended to underscore his promise to rid Washington of the influence of powerful interest groups. Mr. Obama’s strategists consider it one of their most important decisions. They had online fund-raising down to a science, and as tens of millions of dollars flowed in to the campaign, they were sent out to support field operations in 50 states and to pay for record amounts of advertising.
To Mr. McCain’s frustration, Mr. Obama’s decision to break his pledge did draw complaints, but it was also celebrated for underscoring how a new politician once tagged as naïve had shown real savvy.
And he was showing it in other ways that went largely undetected: As his campaign ran glossy, positive advertisements against Mr. McCain on national television, it showed bruising, sometimes misleading ones on the radio and in local markets. While some spots highlighted Mr. Obama’s teenage years with his white grandparents, another one running on black-oriented programs was using some of the most evocative images of the civil rights era to urge African-Americans to vote: those of marchers being power-hosed by the authorities, who were white. But there were moments when the Obama campaign was outmaneuvered by its rival’s on issues driving the election. Seizing on the pain of high gas prices, Mr. McCain found a welcome audience for his new support for offshore drilling. Mr. Obama refused for weeks to make a similar shift before reversing himself, virtually ceding the issue to the Republicans. Not expecting Palin Aides to Mr. Obama had done cursory research on the Alaska governor as her name bounced around as a possible McCain running mate in some conservative circles. But she dropped to the Obama campaign’s list of third-tier possibilities after the indictment of Senator Ted Stevens of Alaska, who had endorsed her run for governor. That unpreparedness led to a rare, halting moment for Mr. Obama’s campaign. Bill Burton, an Obama spokesman, released a statement the day of her announcement that read, “Today, John McCain put the former mayor of a town of 9,000 with zero foreign policy experience a heartbeat away from the presidency.” The statement opened the door to an examination of whether Mr. Obama, with less than three years in the Senate, had any more experience. Mr. Obama’s communications director, Robert Gibbs, said hours later that Mr. Obama had called her and told her “she would be a terrific candidate.” But aides were distraught days later when Mr. Obama told the CNN anchor Anderson Cooper that his experience outstripped hers, lowering him to a back-and-forth over experience with the No. 2 candidate on the Republican ticket. Mr. Obama would not go there again. For more than a week, Ms. Palin’s star rose, along with Mr. McCain’s poll numbers, as Mr. Obama’s campaign seemed uncertain how to respond. Seeking to avoid the appearance of coming on too strong, the campaign stood by as she accused Mr. Obama of “palling around with terrorists.” Democrats on Capitol Hill were as nervous as they had been all year. Mr. Margolis, the advertising strategist, got an earful when he was dispatched to give a briefing at the weekly caucus of Senate Democratic leaders. “I said, ‘I’m just asking everybody to be patient for a couple of weeks,’ and there was a groan that went through part of the room, and it was, ‘Don’t sit back and allow this race to get away from you guys,’ ” Mr. Margolis said. Confusing voters on experience issue “I was trying to communicate pretty clearly that nobody was sitting back, but we believed that we had a strategy that was sound, that there was now real dissonance between the McCain message of August and the McCain message of September,” Mr. Margolis said. Indeed, as Ms. Palin began to suffer a variety of wounds — poor interview performances with Charlie Gibson of ABC and Katie Couric of CBS, a brutal impersonation by Tina Fey on “Saturday Night Live” — they kept their distance and let it play out. But they let no charge go unanswered in Mr. McCain’s television commercials, quickly producing responses to a barrage of attacks on a range of issues, including Mr. Obama’s ties to Mr. Ayers. But by then, Mr. Obama’s financial advantage was drowning out most of what Mr. McCain was trying to say. Mr. Obama’s campaign ran four advertisements to every one from Mr. McCain. But Mr. McCain’s spots were beginning to seem increasingly out of sync with the heightened public anxiety surrounding the financial crisis. The meltdown of the financial markets ultimately ended any hope of a comeback for Mr. McCain. As Americans were increasingly worried about their futures, Mr. Obama’s message of help for the middle class and promise of steady leadership was resonating with the white, working-class voters he had been seeking to win over for nearly two years. He managed to cast his rival as out of touch and erratic, and repeatedly linked him with what he portrayed as the devastating policies of the Bush administration. Crossing the racial divide Aides were seeing gains in previously red states like Virginia, and comfortable leads in swing states like Pennsylvania. But they were mindful of the complacency they had shown in New Hampshire. In the pouring rain that had delayed the World Series, Mr. Obama decided against canceling a rally in the last days of his campaign, to show that he was still working for the win. In Mississippi, Stuart Stevens, a longtime political strategist who had worked for both Mr. McCain and Mitt Romney in the primaries, was surveying polling data for a Republican client. He was picking up on an unexpected shift for Mr. Obama, even among white voters. As he put it in an interview: If a house is on fire, the owner does not care what color the fireman is. “He transcended race,” Mr. Stevens said. “At the time of crisis, it became particularly irrelevant.” Back in Washington, Mr. Belcher, the pollster, was finding something similar. Mr. Obama was showing strength even among white voters Mr. Belcher had identified as having racial biases. It was a phenomenon captured in a photograph he shared last week of a homemade sign with the Confederate flag. It read: “Rednecks for Obama. Even we’ve had enough.” |
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A woman is like a tea bag. You never know how strong she is until she's in hot water.
~~Eleanor Roosevelt |
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Nada
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Posted: 05 Nov 2008 at 11:35am |
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Senator McCain Admits Defeat!
November 4, 2008
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A woman is like a tea bag. You never know how strong she is until she's in hot water.
~~Eleanor Roosevelt |
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Nada
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Posted: 05 Nov 2008 at 11:40am |
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President Obama's Victory Speech
November 4, 2008
Edited by Nada - 05 Nov 2008 at 12:51pm |
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A woman is like a tea bag. You never know how strong she is until she's in hot water.
~~Eleanor Roosevelt |
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Nada
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Posted: 05 Nov 2008 at 11:46am |
We did it, Moh ...... Congrats!!!
Americans, as well as the entire world, well deserves the change that we are about to witness. The battle has just begun, but I am confident that greatness will continue to emerge. Obama's victory speech was moving, emotional, and encouraging.
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A woman is like a tea bag. You never know how strong she is until she's in hot water.
~~Eleanor Roosevelt |
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Posted: 05 Nov 2008 at 1:28pm |
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George W. Bush Addresses the Nation
November 5, 2008
Rice Congratulates Obama
Edited by Nada - 05 Nov 2008 at 8:18pm |
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A woman is like a tea bag. You never know how strong she is until she's in hot water.
~~Eleanor Roosevelt |
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Posted: 06 Nov 2008 at 1:30pm |
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North Carolina Finally Turns BLUE ..........
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A woman is like a tea bag. You never know how strong she is until she's in hot water.
~~Eleanor Roosevelt |
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